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Will next year’s election constitute another leap for democratization? We don’t know. Do we get any guidance from looking in the rear-view mirror? I think so.
It is easy to see that Kenyans are increasingly aware of their rights and power to influence politics. The 2002 election was important, a mile-stone, Kenya at the crossroads making a bold decision. But it was the beginning of a transformation, we have to remember that, it was not the transformation. The referendum process represented another step in deepening and fermenting Kenyan democracy. I am not so naïve as to believe that the campaigns in 2002 and 2005 were free from excesses, lies, propaganda and fear factors. Having said that, we did witness discussion at work places, small and “big debates” in the media, civic education of considerable insight and impact. There were local discussions during the referendum campaign about the role or existence of chiefs, about the possibility to get one’s voice heard at local and national levels, about the power of the president and about control of land. The by-elections in 2006 seemed to be a step backward; at least there are numerous reports on vote buying and violence.
There is no doubt, however, in my mind that the democratic space has widened. The setbacks we have seen so far seem to backfire on the non-reformers; the effect of the raid on The Standard, for instance, increased press activities, not the other way round. Or is that wishful thinking?
But progress has not embraced women, half of the population. Although more women than before were both nominated and elected to parliament in 2002, there are clear backlash tendencies for women.
The role of women
The referendum process was an alarm signal. One reason for many men to vote No to the proposed constitution seemed to be the fear of women starting to claim land. The right of everybody to inherit land already exists in the Kenyan laws but it was clearly spelled out in the proposed constitution that these rights also include women. This scared many men. And their No vote was a vote against the rights of women. Quite understandably, women today own only five percent of the land in Kenya.
Women continued to be marginal in major events. Oranges, Bananas (the “no” and “yes” sides in the 2005 referendum) and now Narc Kenya and ODM all organise male parades. The new government of January 2006 digressed rather than progressed as female Cabinet Ministers went from three to two. The new ODM structure is in the same deplorable league: 18 out of 19 leaders are men!
Another alarm signal is the salary hikes awarded by MPs to themselves. No matter what you think of that hike, the effect will be that a seat in parliament is very well paid. As a consequence it will attract more men. Competition will be harder, and the means to get the lucrative nominations will be rougher. There is a risk that the number of women in parliament will go down in 2007. According to a recent study qualified women in urban areas shy away from participating in politics because they do not want to be subject to hooliganism, harassment and deceit. Who can blame them? The system with one MP for each constituency and the winner-takes-all system, rather than a proportional system, has also proved to favour men.
I do not understand how the political parties can fail to see the potential of the female voters and votes. If I were employed as a spin-doctor for any political party in Kenya my main advice would be to actively promote women’s participation. Not only would that party gain insight, knowledge and experience, it would show that it has not excluded 50 percent of the people from their affairs – and it would certainly win the next election! But no one will employ me, and to be honest, I think that it is the women in Kenya who should speak up more than they do.
Recently a poll was published on “Perceptions towards gender disparity in Kenya”. It is shocking reading. On women in local government and parliament, the result was that “opinion regarding these institutions was indicative of high levels of satisfaction with the representation of women in leadership of these institutions”. In other words, people say that it is OK that more than 95 percent of those elected to parliament are men and less than five percent are women. Either they know these facts, and still have their opinion, or they think that women’s representation is much higher than it actually is. In either case, women have a job to do.
The role of political parties
Democracy needs not only democrats, and more women, but also stronger parties. In all likelihood we will see a mushrooming of new parties the coming year. To what extent do present and future political parties base their participation, in coalitions or movements, on programmes and principles, not on personalities and power?
That parties differ is not remarkable, the idea of parties is that they should reflect various opinions and groups. That coalitions break up is not remarkable either. These are well-known twists of democracy when it is not possible to accommodate divergences in wedlock. But for an outside observer, the ease with which politicians move from one group to another is a rather peculiar aspect of Kenyan politics. In most other countries, an individual MP going from the opposition into government would be seen as disregarding democracy. People decided through their votes that parliament should have a certain composition, with a majority and a minority of a certain size. To switch between the blocs, to cross the floor, is seen as not respecting the will of the people. In Kenya, there is not much sign of such a discussion: It is accepted that the results of national elections give way to regional or local interests – an MP is expected to better serve his constituency if elevated to Cabinet.
Conclusion
This is what I would wish to see happen on the political arena in Kenya during the coming 15 months:
During my years in Kenya, I have seen the ugly face of ethnic tension grow stronger and more apparent, become almost accepted. The constitution process, so far, has been a failure in this respect, it seems to pit various segments of Kenyan society against each other rather than making everybody rally behind a national vision. The coming elections have the potential to make this worse, but they also bring an opportunity to walk another path.
The political parties have a key role in this, if they focus on programmes and politics, not on politicians and personalities. They could use the campaigns to unite Kenya, not further divide it. They can talk about national policies and politics, not only local ones. They can link the national to the local and the local to the national. It is the responsibility of all candidates to talk about the neglected North East or the spread of HIV/Aids in the West, not only candidates from these regions. It is also the obligation of men to talk about domestic violence and female genital mutilation.
Kenyans, like all other people, want democracy. There is no doubt about the will of the people in Africa; two thirds prefer democracy to other forms of government according to a recent survey. There is no doubt that Kenya and Kenyans are forerunners in this.
But to stay in the forefront, Kenya needs not only more democrats but stronger political parties – and more women in politics. On the issue on minimum versus comprehensive review, why not prioritise reforms that guarantee women a better chance in the election process and a higher representation in parliament?
Research and analysis on Africa
Democracy needs parties, not only democrats. And more women!
Bo Göransson recently returned form Kenya where he served as Sweden’s ambassador between 2003 and 2005. During this period he was a regular contributor to the Kenyan newspaper The Daily Nation. Bo Göransson was the Director General of Sida between 1994 and 2002. This article was published in The Daily Nation on 6 September 2006, and on the website of the Swedsih embassy in Nairobi. This is the author’s original text.
By: Bo Göransson
Looking at 2007 we of course have to use a crystal ball, although we know a lot, or at least we think we know a lot. I am willing to bet that we will see a fast growing economy in 2007. The export sector will continue to lead. The main internal, economic and social problem will continue to be the weak domestic demand, caused by the glaring inequalities and the widespread poverty. Africa will continue with reforms, increased growth, intensified regional collaboration and the spreading of democracy, this is a fair guess. In Kenya, elections will dominate the political scene and debate, we know that.Will next year’s election constitute another leap for democratization? We don’t know. Do we get any guidance from looking in the rear-view mirror? I think so.
It is easy to see that Kenyans are increasingly aware of their rights and power to influence politics. The 2002 election was important, a mile-stone, Kenya at the crossroads making a bold decision. But it was the beginning of a transformation, we have to remember that, it was not the transformation. The referendum process represented another step in deepening and fermenting Kenyan democracy. I am not so naïve as to believe that the campaigns in 2002 and 2005 were free from excesses, lies, propaganda and fear factors. Having said that, we did witness discussion at work places, small and “big debates” in the media, civic education of considerable insight and impact. There were local discussions during the referendum campaign about the role or existence of chiefs, about the possibility to get one’s voice heard at local and national levels, about the power of the president and about control of land. The by-elections in 2006 seemed to be a step backward; at least there are numerous reports on vote buying and violence.
There is no doubt, however, in my mind that the democratic space has widened. The setbacks we have seen so far seem to backfire on the non-reformers; the effect of the raid on The Standard, for instance, increased press activities, not the other way round. Or is that wishful thinking?
But progress has not embraced women, half of the population. Although more women than before were both nominated and elected to parliament in 2002, there are clear backlash tendencies for women.
The role of women
The referendum process was an alarm signal. One reason for many men to vote No to the proposed constitution seemed to be the fear of women starting to claim land. The right of everybody to inherit land already exists in the Kenyan laws but it was clearly spelled out in the proposed constitution that these rights also include women. This scared many men. And their No vote was a vote against the rights of women. Quite understandably, women today own only five percent of the land in Kenya.
Women continued to be marginal in major events. Oranges, Bananas (the “no” and “yes” sides in the 2005 referendum) and now Narc Kenya and ODM all organise male parades. The new government of January 2006 digressed rather than progressed as female Cabinet Ministers went from three to two. The new ODM structure is in the same deplorable league: 18 out of 19 leaders are men!
Another alarm signal is the salary hikes awarded by MPs to themselves. No matter what you think of that hike, the effect will be that a seat in parliament is very well paid. As a consequence it will attract more men. Competition will be harder, and the means to get the lucrative nominations will be rougher. There is a risk that the number of women in parliament will go down in 2007. According to a recent study qualified women in urban areas shy away from participating in politics because they do not want to be subject to hooliganism, harassment and deceit. Who can blame them? The system with one MP for each constituency and the winner-takes-all system, rather than a proportional system, has also proved to favour men.
I do not understand how the political parties can fail to see the potential of the female voters and votes. If I were employed as a spin-doctor for any political party in Kenya my main advice would be to actively promote women’s participation. Not only would that party gain insight, knowledge and experience, it would show that it has not excluded 50 percent of the people from their affairs – and it would certainly win the next election! But no one will employ me, and to be honest, I think that it is the women in Kenya who should speak up more than they do.
Recently a poll was published on “Perceptions towards gender disparity in Kenya”. It is shocking reading. On women in local government and parliament, the result was that “opinion regarding these institutions was indicative of high levels of satisfaction with the representation of women in leadership of these institutions”. In other words, people say that it is OK that more than 95 percent of those elected to parliament are men and less than five percent are women. Either they know these facts, and still have their opinion, or they think that women’s representation is much higher than it actually is. In either case, women have a job to do.
The role of political parties
Democracy needs not only democrats, and more women, but also stronger parties. In all likelihood we will see a mushrooming of new parties the coming year. To what extent do present and future political parties base their participation, in coalitions or movements, on programmes and principles, not on personalities and power?
That parties differ is not remarkable, the idea of parties is that they should reflect various opinions and groups. That coalitions break up is not remarkable either. These are well-known twists of democracy when it is not possible to accommodate divergences in wedlock. But for an outside observer, the ease with which politicians move from one group to another is a rather peculiar aspect of Kenyan politics. In most other countries, an individual MP going from the opposition into government would be seen as disregarding democracy. People decided through their votes that parliament should have a certain composition, with a majority and a minority of a certain size. To switch between the blocs, to cross the floor, is seen as not respecting the will of the people. In Kenya, there is not much sign of such a discussion: It is accepted that the results of national elections give way to regional or local interests – an MP is expected to better serve his constituency if elevated to Cabinet.
Conclusion
This is what I would wish to see happen on the political arena in Kenya during the coming 15 months:
- Public disclosure of assets by candidates. There is no need for a law on this, any party has the right as part of their party constitution to decide on such an issue: If you want to run on our ticket, declare, and do it public. If one started, wouldn’t the others follow? Who would dare to abstain?
- Public disclosure of campaign contributions and transparency in how funds are used. Given the allegations and rumours on irregularities, this would certainly clear the air. And as with private disclosures, if one starts, which party can afford to abstain?
- Actively increase female participation in the political arena. In Nairobi only 40 percent of the women are registered. Women candidates should be nominated and supported by parties, not harassed, aiming at more fair representation.
- An election process, and ultimately election, that has its focus on ideology and issues, and respects the various roles of institutions, players, agents. Free, active and responsible media; independence for institutions overseeing the election process; fair and far-reaching election training and access to information.
During my years in Kenya, I have seen the ugly face of ethnic tension grow stronger and more apparent, become almost accepted. The constitution process, so far, has been a failure in this respect, it seems to pit various segments of Kenyan society against each other rather than making everybody rally behind a national vision. The coming elections have the potential to make this worse, but they also bring an opportunity to walk another path.
The political parties have a key role in this, if they focus on programmes and politics, not on politicians and personalities. They could use the campaigns to unite Kenya, not further divide it. They can talk about national policies and politics, not only local ones. They can link the national to the local and the local to the national. It is the responsibility of all candidates to talk about the neglected North East or the spread of HIV/Aids in the West, not only candidates from these regions. It is also the obligation of men to talk about domestic violence and female genital mutilation.
Kenyans, like all other people, want democracy. There is no doubt about the will of the people in Africa; two thirds prefer democracy to other forms of government according to a recent survey. There is no doubt that Kenya and Kenyans are forerunners in this.
But to stay in the forefront, Kenya needs not only more democrats but stronger political parties – and more women in politics. On the issue on minimum versus comprehensive review, why not prioritise reforms that guarantee women a better chance in the election process and a higher representation in parliament?
the author
Bo Göransson is based at the Swedish Foreign Ministry and was previously Swedish Ambassador to Kenya.